Video surveillance by public bodies: a discussion
March 31, 1998
David H. Flaherty
Information and Privacy Commissioner
for British Columbia
4th floor, 1675 Douglas Street
Victoria, British Columbia V8V 1X4
tel. (250) 387-5629
fax. (250) 387-1696
Web site: http://www.oipc.bc.ca
Part I: The issues and statutory mandate
Part II: The Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act
Part III: Video Surveillance Privacy Guidelines
Appendix 1: CSA Model Code for the Protection of Personal Information
This Investigation Report is the result of site visits to public bodies
throughout the Province, including the Vancouver Public Library, the
headquarters of the Insurance Corporation of British Columbia, and several
correctional institutions, police departments, and hospitals. All of these
public bodies use video surveillance systems.
I have approached this investigation with the belief that video surveillance
technology is neither inherently bad nor good, but that there is both good and
bad surveillance. This reflects my practice of acting as a "privacy
pragmatist" when addressing privacy problems. However, it has become clear to
me during the course of my investigation that, too often, decisions to install
video surveillance equipment are made on the basis of the superficial appeal of
a technological "quick fix" to a particular problem and are not based on a
balancing of the costs and benefits of its use. The pervasiveness of this
mentality and its creeping, adverse consequences for personal privacy reduce a
privacy advocate's enthusiasm for the type of pragmatism noted above.[1]
One of the key issues in privacy protection is the prevention of unnecessary
surveillance of individuals by regulating the collection of personal
information. The imperatives of modern technology often aggravate this
process.[2] However, the danger lies not in the technology but the
tendency to consider it as the solution.
The trend is to use video surveillance as a cure-all in the name of public
safety and crime prevention. Although these are real issues that require
solutions, public bodies must balance such needs against the right of the
individual to be left alone. As video surveillance becomes more accessible and
pervasive, the need for guidance for all public bodies becomes more pressing.
This Investigation Report is written with this requirement to balance competing
interests in mind.
This Investigation Report offers guidelines to protect the privacy of
individuals and their personal information when video surveillance systems are
in use. These guidelines discuss such matters as the need for written policy,
camera locations, times of operation, security and retention of videotapes,
public awareness of cameras, control and operation of cameras, audits, use of
personal information on the videotapes, and access to personal information on
the videotapes.
A. INTRODUCTION
We can only be sure of being free from surveillance today if we retire to
our basements, cloak our windows, turn out the lights and remain absolutely
quiet. -
Gerard La Forest, former Justice of the Supreme Court of Canada.[3]
Physical surveillance is nothing new to society. Yet, with the emergence of
increasingly innovative and advanced technologies, modern surveillance has
taken on a whole new character. Video surveillance has expanded beyond
national security and law enforcement to include public and private sector
employers, commercial enterprises and service providers. It is no longer
labour-intensive, cumbersome and costly, nor is it primitive. Surveillance
technologies now have the ability to penetrate walls, function in the dark, and
operate from great distances with such effectiveness that even Mr. Justice La
Forest's precautions would offer only a semblance of protection to the most
prying of "eyes."
Information obtained through these surveillance techniques can be blended with
other sources of information and manipulated with ease. Computerized facial
recognition systems already in use in Great Britain and the State of
Massachusetts can digitize images from video and search for matches amongst
databases of millions of stored faces. Here in British Columbia such a
database of digital images already exists in the form of the Motor Vehicle
Branch Drivers' Photo Identification Database (DPID).
The use of video cameras for surveillance purposes occurs in both the private
and public sectors. Closed-circuit television (CCTV) systems are in use in
retail stores, financial institutions, parking lots, and transit facilities, as
well as on public highways and in the workplace. However, for the purposes of
this investigation, I am only concerned with video surveillance as it is
conducted by public bodies in areas within their control. In British Columbia,
"public bodies" under the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy
Act, R.S.B.C. 1996, c. 165 (the Act) include the provincial
ministries, Crown corporations, agencies, boards, municipal governments,
municipal police departments, colleges, universities, hospitals, and the
self-governing professions. As the Information and Privacy Commissioner of
British Columbia, I have jurisdiction to review the collection of personal
information by these public bodies, including by way of video surveillance.
This Investigation Report is the result of various site visits to public
bodies that have implemented or plan to implement video surveillance technology
for reasons of crime prevention, public safety, or as part of their operational
duties. As the enabling technology of video surveillance becomes more
pervasive and accepted, the need for a set of common policy guidelines, and a
frank discussion of the balance we seek to achieve among competing values,
becomes ever more pressing.[4]
B. STATUTORY MANDATE
42(1) In addition to the commissioner's powers and duties under Part 5 with
respect to reviews, the commissioner is generally responsible for monitoring
how this Act is administered to ensure that its purposes are achieved, and
may
(a) conduct investigations and audits to ensure compliance with any provision
of this Act,
Section 26 of the Act sets out three conditions under which public
bodies may collect personal information: by or under legislation; for a law
enforcement purpose; or where the personal information relates directly to and
is necessary for an operating program or activity of the public body. If a
public body does not have justification for video surveillance by or under
legislation, or for a law enforcement purpose, then it must demonstrate why the
video surveillance is necessary for an operating program or activity of the
public body. This Investigation Report examines the reasons given by two
public bodies why video surveillance is necessary for their operating programs.
See Part II.D. of this Investigation Report for further discussion of section 26.
C. VIDEO SURVEILLANCE: THE PRIVACY THREAT
In many of its applications video surveillance is widely accepted as useful
and even necessary. There is no shortage of supporters. The industry is large
and powerful, and the technology itself is attractive to many -- seeming to
pose simple solutions to what are often complex problems. However, it is not
my business as a privacy advocate to articulate the reasons for the use of such
technology.
One of the most disturbing aspects of video surveillance is the almost total
absence of public debate on the subject. Simon Davies, one of the founders of
the privacy rights organization Privacy International and author of the
book Big Brother: Britain's Web of Surveillance, noted that
surveillance "has the potential to desensitize the population to other, less
visible, forms of surveillance. The ready acceptance of video surveillance
might be indicative of the creed `nothing to hide, nothing to fear.' And a
nation which happily accepts visual surveillance without debate may easily and
happily accept a range of other forms of surveillance, from wire-tapping to
identity cards."[5]
I recently commented on the use of surveillance in society:
... my experience in British Columbia is that the pressures for surveillance
are almost irresistible for an office such as mine. The bureaucrats and the
legislature are under intense pressures to reduce costs, to promote efficiency,
and to spend public money wisely. Surveillance technology appears to be a
neutral, objective process that must be wielded as a weapon, or at least a
tool, against welfare cheats (targeting all those on income assistance), sex
offenders (targeting all those who work with children through criminal-record
checks), and photo radar (monitoring all cars and photographing the license
plates of speeders).[6]
Serious thought needs to be given to the real value of video surveillance.
Public bodies should demonstrate its effectiveness for crime prevention or
public safety and weigh it against the costs to individual privacy and freedom
before they decide to implement surveillance. In other words, the first
questions to be answered when speaking to these issues are whether and why, not
how.[7] David Boyd of the U.S. National Institute
of Justice states it even more succinctly: "This is technology that cuts both
ways. It can provide lots of security for people, lots of peace of mind. But
at the same time, in the wrong hands, it can be badly abused."[8]
D. THE EXPANSION AND EFFECTS OF VIDEO SURVEILLANCE
In the past decade, the use of CCTV for surveillance and crime control has
grown to unprecedented levels. In Britain between 150 and 300 million pounds
Sterling (C$348 to 696 million) per year is now spent on surveillance,
involving an estimated 300,000 cameras covering shopping areas, housing
estates, parking lots and public facilities in many towns and cities.[9] While Britain is the lead nation in implementing
CCTV, other countries, including our own, are not far behind. Canada, the
United States, Australia and some European countries, which a few years ago
might have rejected the technology, are installing cameras at a rapid pace.
Already, the cities of Sherbrooke and Hull, Quebec, have installed cameras in
their respective downtown cores in an effort to reduce crime.
Goderich, Ontario, a small resort community on the shores of Lake Huron,
studied a plan to install video cameras around its courthouse and public
square. The community eventually found the cost of such a system prohibitive,
but it is likely only a matter of time before other communities find themselves
looking into the eye of the camera.[10] In Suisun City, California, local
authorities are installing cameras to combat gang activity spilling over from
nearby Oakland and San Francisco -- boasting that no one coming into Suisun
goes unnoticed.[11] From urban centres such as Miami's Dade County to British
Columbia's remote Chilcotin region, school administrators are turning to CCTVs
in buses, hallways and even in playgrounds in an effort to check unwanted
behaviours, from bullying to rowdiness.[12]
This last statement demonstrates what Nigel Waters, former head of the Privacy
Branch of the Australian Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission,
describes as the arguably more sinister aspect of technology expansion.
"Function creep" is the well-intentioned extension of the original purpose of
video surveillance into a broader public order role, and the use of the camera
as an instrument of social control.[13] Simon Davies notes that while camera
systems were originally installed to deter burglary, assault, and car theft,
most camera systems actually have been used to control public order and combat
"anti-social behaviour," including many such minor offenses as littering,
urinating in public, traffic violations, obstruction, drunkenness, and evading
meters in town parking.[14] What is apparent and indeed disturbing is that in
the "absence of a wide ranging public debate...the packaging and marketing of
CCTV has been instrumental in the shaping of favourable public opinion."[15]
Industry is driving CCTV and it is changing from an integral part of crime
prevention policy to an integral element in the construction of a disciplinary
society in the "Foucauldian sense."[16] Bruce Phillips, Privacy Commissioner of
Canada, has stated: "We must accept that [video surveillance] is here to stay,
and [is] going to multiply. The real issue is whether in the process of
embracing all this technology we are going to put in place proper
safeguards...."[17]
Another questionable use of CCTV may be for monitoring the performance of
staff -- for example, in an attempt to measure their productivity or even
inadvertently as part of an unrelated operation (i.e., crime prevention). Most
people do not want to work with a camera monitoring them, except in unusual
circumstances such as a prison or other locations where threats to their
personal safety exist.
Despite massive adoption of such technology, there has been almost no evidence
published in the United Kingdom, or other countries, showing that surveillance
cameras have had an overall deterrent effect. In fact, surveillance may only
serve to displace crime. Richard Thomas, Acting Deputy Chief
Constable for Gwent, U.K., recently told the BBC that he believed video
surveillance simply pushed some crime beyond the range of the cameras.[18] In an interview with ABC News' 20/20
investigative program, Leslie Sharp, Chief Constable for Scotland's
Strathclyde Police Department, said, "I don't believe that just because you've
got cameras in a city center that everyone says `Oh well, we're going to give
up crime and get a job.'"[19]
Programs elsewhere have had mixed results. Dave Banisar, of the Electronic
Privacy Information Center in Washington D.C., has pointed out that CCTV failed
to deter crime in Times Square when put to the test by New York City. When
officials in New Jersey installed cameras in subway stations, crimes actually
increased.[20]
In fact, it is difficult to determine how much crime surveillance deters
because, obviously, crimes that have not happened cannot be measured directly.
Testing this effect requires detailed monitoring and analysis of crime
statistics. To date, no such proper, detailed, independent study has been
undertaken in this or other countries. Another U.K. Home Office report notes:
"Very few evaluations of town centre schemes have been carried out, and those
that have only look at the effect of cameras in the short term."[21] A 1996
South Bank University study stated: "CCTV has recently been the subject of
several television documentaries and...banner headlines claiming large
reductions in recorded crime. In the main, these claims are not based on any
substantial research."[22] "In a report to the Scottish office on the impact of
CCTV, Jason Ditton, Director of the Scottish Centre for Criminology, argued
that the claims of crime reduction are little more than fantasy. `All
(evaluations and statistics) we have seen so far are wholly unreliable.' The
British Journal of Criminology went further by describing the
statistics as `...post hoc shoestring efforts by the untrained and self
interested practitioner.'"[23]
E. PRIVACY, CIVIL LIBERTIES AND SOCIAL CONSEQUENCES
While most people have an instinctive aversion to being watched, the
"chilling effect" of video surveillance on public behaviour is difficult to
determine.[24] One thing is clear:
issues raised by the video surveillance debate go far beyond arguments of its
crime-fighting efficacy. Video surveillance in public places is as much a
civil liberties issue as it is a privacy issue, and those civil liberties
concerns are closely related to other prized community values, including
freedom of assembly and movement.[25]
Nigel Waters points out that video surveillance, unlike more traditional forms
of surveillance, is random and indiscriminate in its gaze. Video surveillance
involves the collection of personal information without the consent of those
under surveillance:
The above is especially true when images are recorded on tape (the practice
for most public bodies in British Columbia). "What it does...is both
frightening and, I think, humiliating to a society that feels it has to monitor
the every movement of its fellow members," said Robert Ellis Smith, privacy
advocate and publisher of the Privacy Journal. According to Smith, "it
has created a society that relies too much on technology and not enough on
trust."[27]
The non-discriminatory nature of video surveillance is commonly cited as the
most worrisome aspect of this kind of technology. This is a function of the
technology itself and not of its use. CCTV systems are not inherently evil;
rather, the real danger lies in the tendency for a public body to allow the
system to be the solution.
A number of authors have recently analyzed the effects of CCTV in generating
this novel and unique form of passive discrimination. The technology segments
public space in a way that anonymously assigns social status on the basis of a
person's appearance or other criteria of "undesirability." These authors argue
that video surveillance alters individuals' relationships with public space and
public authority and increases the chance that instantaneous and arbitrary
decisions about guilt or innocence will be made on illegitimate grounds. This
is an important equity issue, in which marginalized and socially disadvantaged
groups, who already receive disproportionate attention from the state, are more
likely to come to notice because of their unusual or stereotyped appearance or
behaviour. The outcome is not just a change in relations between the state and
those citizens, but also a change in nature of public space for all.[28]
A concrete example of the way video surveillance disrupts public space and
reorganizes the relationship between individuals and public authority arises in
the case of media "ride-along crews" who accompany police officers on patrol.
In Investigation Report P95-004, I commented on their potentially adverse
impact:
In the case of police `reality television' shows, the public's right to know
about the daily operations of its local police department competes with the
right to privacy of the individuals in contact with police. These individuals
may not yet have been charged with an offence, let alone convicted, when their
faces are broadcast on television for an entire community to see. Thus, for
the individual, the possibility of a mistaken identity, a withdrawn complaint,
an unfortunate moment, or one of the simple misunderstandings that are a part
of everyday life loom large as a serious threat to the privacy rights of each
person.[29]
These same concerns apply to the use of video surveillance by public bodies.
There are conflicting opinions within the police community on the use of video
surveillance. Referring to his force's mania for CCTV, one British police
officer told ABC News' 20/20 program, "We will gradually drive the
criminals further and further away, and eventually I hope to drive them into
the sea."[30] Contrast this with the Amsterdam
police, who, although they planned to install their own cameras in high-crime
areas throughout the city in the fall of 1997, still believe that camera
surveillance is getting out of hand. "We're absolutely against putting cameras
all over the place," says police spokesman Klaas Wilting. "We feel that people
have a basic right to privacy."[31]
In the information society, tension will arise between the dignity and
autonomy of the individual -- that is, one's ability to control the collection
and dissemination of information about oneself -- and the requirement for
personal information which organizations and other individuals may require to
fight crime, to provide services, or to enter into other kinds of
relationships. A certain level of knowledge, different for each type of
relationship, is required in order to determine whether or not the parties can
trust each other. It is important for public bodies to remember that this is a
two-way street. If a public body requires personal information about a client
or member of the public in the form of video recording, the public body must
also inform him or her why the public body needs this information, for what
purpose it will use the information and for how]
F. PUBLIC PERCEPTIONS OF VIDEO SURVEILLANCE
The general public is becoming increasingly concerned about the use of video
surveillance for the collection of personal information. A 1991 survey of
employees throughout the United States revealed that 62 percent disagreed with
the use of video surveillance (including 38 percent who "strongly
disagreed").[32] In 1994, an Equifax Canada privacy
survey discovered that 43 percent of the public believes that "technology has
almost gotten out of control." The same survey showed that
there has been an incremental increase in the concern about, and the level of
importance attached to, privacy issues among Canadians.[33]
In 1992, a U.K. Home Office survey highlighted the extent of concern. The
survey found that thirty-six percent of the respondents did not agree with the
proposition that "the more of these cameras we have, the better."
G. CASE STUDIES
Under
The following case studies illustrate the variety of ways that video
surveillance is used in real-world settings in British Columbia. They show how
the uses for information have increased beyond what formerly occurred when
records were produced and stored in paper form only. A wide range of public
bodies now use video surveillance systems, including police departments,
hospitals, schools, liquor stores, and corrections facilities.
Vancouver Public Library, Main Branch
In response to a history of crime prevention and public safety issues
documented over many years of operation at its previous location at 750 Burrard
Street, the Vancouver Public Library decided to install a video surveillance
system in its new downtown main branch complex, completed in early 1995. The
nine-floor building, seven of which are occupied by the Library, receives an
average of 6,300 daily patrons and is a high-traffic public space.[35]
Although over thirty CCTV cameras were installed, administrators have
primarily restricted them to off-limits zones such as fire escapes and support
areas separate from public access. One exception is the camera observing all
patrons entering and leaving the main entrance; another is the camera focused
on the entrance to locked children's washrooms in the children's reading area
-- an area which historically has received unwelcome attention from adult
predators, including pedophiles.
Since the goal of the new CCTV system was to ensure public safety and prevent
vandalism, the Library states that it developed a strategy to achieve these
goals without infringing on the rights of the visiting patrons or altering the
spirit of community that libraries represent. Rather than blanketing the
entire Library with cameras, an invasive method, the Library has placed the
CCTV cameras to cover major access points and problem areas that it has
identified.
My office conducted two site visits to the Library. Based on these
visits and discussions with Library staff, I am satisfied that the video
surveillance system incorporates some of the benchmark fair information
principles that are the heart of every privacy protection code. By this I mean
that the Library has taken some steps to minimize its collection of personal
information by means of CCTV. Most of the cameras are not in public areas or
have been installed to monitor and assist patrons to leave the building during
an emergency.
The Library's security staff have informed my office that the cameras have
been used in the arrest and conviction of six vandals or thieves to date, and
used to identify and arrest suspects in other cases which are pending legal
resolution. They estimate that without the deterrent factor of the cameras,
the level of criminal activity at the Library would be 50 to 100 percent
higher.[36]
Despite these claims of success, the Library's video surveillance system has
problems which need to be addressed. The first issue that my office identified
was what is in effect, if not in intent, the hidden camera at the main entrance
recording all persons entering or exiting the Library. When questioned,
security personnel informed us that the Library has had thefts of computers and
books by people who have simply walked or run out the main gate; the purpose of
this camera was to prevent such incidents. The camera in the main entry lobby
also led to the arrest of a suspect for assault on a security guard.
Although the installation at the entrance was done with good intentions, the
hidden camera does not act as a deterrent. The question arose in discussion of
why a hidden camera? If the purpose is deterrence, then a
visible camera and well-marked notification signs might serve much more
effectively. A dummy camera and signs could have the same deterrent effect.
Further, if statistics show that there is a problem of theft and vandalism of
either books or fixed assets through the main entrance, then the Administration
should look at other methods of addressing this problem first. It was pointed
out by the Library security staff that there had been a problem with people
simply jumping the entrance gate. As the gate is quite low, it is not
difficult to imagine such a scenario. However, it is unlikely that a covert
camera would deter those brazen enough to attempt the effort in the first
place. This is a good example of using CCTV as a "simple solution" to a
complex problem without consideration of the potential for unintended
consequences.
The Library states that it did not intend the camera at the entrance to be a
covert or hidden camera. Its primary concern is to document individuals
leaving the building to assist in stemming the significant losses by theft that
the Library is experiencing. The camera also records interactions between
security guards and library patrons at the main entrance. The videotape is not
used for other purposes and is retained for a limited time.
A second issue was that the Library did not provide sufficient notification
that patrons might be under surveillance upon entering the Library. A few
signs were put up at the entrance after the visits from my office, but the
notice is inadequate for this purpose. Such signs must be placed in prominent,
visible locations to notify patrons that they will be monitored in this public
space. The Vancouver Public Library intends to do so, which, in my judgment,
will enhance the deterrent effect of such video surveillance.
A third issue is that the Vancouver Public Library does not have a written
policy governing the use of its video surveillance system. Without a policy to
govern a surveillance system's use and purpose, it is difficult for a public
body to comply with the fair information principles of use, disclosure, or
retention of personal information. Who decides how long recorded tapes are
kept? Who can view them and for what purpose? Can they be used to make a
promotional television commercial for the Library? Can they be aired by a
local television station as part of a story?
A clear, concise policy will help ensure fair and consistent treatment of
personal information collected by public bodies. The Vancouver Public Library
intends to develop a written policy with guidance from this office.
Insurance Corporation of British Columbia
The Insurance Corporation of British Columbia (ICBC) is the primary provider
of automobile insurance in the Province. The purpose of a site visit to ICBC
headquarters was to collect data on the placement and use of over sixteen CCTV
cameras and associated monitoring systems in and around the main ICBC facility,
and to consult on any similar installations and practices in regional claim
centres across the Province.
The ICBC video surveillance system at the main headquarters in North Vancouver
consists of covert cameras monitoring the two reception desks at each of the
main entrances and pan-and-tilt and "regular" CCTV cameras on the outside of
the complex. Of the regular CCTV cameras, eight of these locations have motion
detectors connected to the cameras. These provide a signal to the monitoring
station only when motion is detected in front of the cameras; therefore, the
eight cameras are on only during activity periods. Each of the reception desks
is staffed by security guards. All visitors must present themselves to a
guard, sign a log book, and wait for an ICBC employee to escort them to their
destination.
Members of my office were informed that the cameras at the front reception
desk were in place to back up the security staff in case of "belligerent
clients." There was brief anecdotal discussion of an instance when this did
occur but, to the best of our knowledge, no statistics have ever been compiled
on the frequency of these incidents. Settling the business of insurance claims
can often be a sensitive and painful issue for insurance claimants. While over
82 percent of claims customers indicate that they are either satisfied or very
satisfied with both the service and the settlement they received from ICBC, the
remaining 18 percent are not.[37] Troubled or
dissatisfied clients may pose safety risks to ICBC employees; these clients are
the primary reason ICBC decided to install video surveillance systems in its
headquarters in North Vancouver and in claim centres across the Province.
Of particular note at ICBC are pan-and-tilt zoom cameras located on the
outside of the main building, which cover external promenades and an adjacent
ICBC complex. Cameras of this nature could be used to follow a person's
movements and focus on locations outside ICBC's property (e.g., a restaurant
patio across the street). As in all cases, public bodies should ensure that
cameras only capture activity within the complex or directly related to ICBC
facilities.
ICBC officials offer the following explanations and rationales for the use of
video surveillance:
With respect to safety issues, if a building is to be evacuated, the monitoring
stations may be used to ensure that individuals have not re-entered the
building. As it is impossible for the security guard to be in all locations of
the building, the monitoring station is used as an extension of the security
guard. In the event of a potentially volatile situation between a security
guard and a client, the camera recording can be used to examine the body
posture and positioning of the security guard, and how each of these can be
adjusted to help eliminate a threat and increase public safety.
As ICBC deals directly with the public, the cameras also provide a realistic
look at the activity levels at a variety of locations, and where security
personnel or other ICBC representatives should concentrate their efforts. This
allows ICBC the ability to organize itself in order to deal with the public
more efficiently.
With regard to covert cameras, visible cameras may incite a client who may then
pose a risk to ICBC employees and possibly their satisfied clients. The idea
of the covert camera is to remove a theatre for a client who wishes to create a
scene. The covert camera is a way of having more people placed into the area
to increase the level of safety, while maintaining good customer relations.
This is the reason that the covert cameras are only used at the public access
points at both reception areas.
There is no absolute way to guarantee that all persons entering an ICBC
location are aware that they are being monitored; however, due diligence has
been taken so that the expectation of privacy cannot be assumed.[38]
It is evident from these statements that ICBC's practice of video surveillance
is heavily weighted towards the protection of its interests and what it
perceives to be the public interest.
Like the Vancouver Public Library, ICBC does not have a written policy
regarding video surveillance cameras. ICBC officials described a public safety
mandate for the presence of video cameras; ICBC intends to develop this mandate
into policies in the near future with the assistance of my office.
Part 3 of the Act sets out the requirements for protecting the personal
information in the custody or under the control of public bodies. These
requirements are based on fundamental and internationally-recognized principles
of privacy often referred to as "fair information practices":
The Act therefore imposes on public bodies an obligation to protect the
personal information in their custody or under their control by limiting
collection, use, disclosure and retention. The retention periods for personal
information should be as short as possible -- public bodies keep personal
information only as long as required by law or by operational need (see
The following discussion is designed to guide public bodies through the
process of applying the fair information practices to a video surveillance
system. Part III of this Investigation Report lists guidelines for developing
written policy on the development, deployment and use of a video surveillance
system in public bodies. Where public bodies choose to implement video
surveillance, these guidelines will assist the public bodies to comply with the
requirements of the Act.
B. RELIANCE ON VIDEO SURVEILLANCE
Public bodies should only use routine video surveillance when the benefit to
the community outweighs, to a substantial degree, other competing social
interests and individual rights, especially the preservation of personal
privacy. Whenever possible, public bodies should preserve the rights and
freedoms of citizens, including the right to be free from unwarranted
surveillance by government and law enforcement agencies when visiting public
bodies. There are justifiable and legitimate uses for surveillance, such as
law enforcement, public safety, and employer interests (e.g., security of
clients, employees, and physical assets). Therefore the question is whether a
video surveillance system is the necessary or only solution.
Easily the most common error made when a public body is faced with a decision
of whether to use new technology, such as video surveillance, is that the
primary consideration becomes one of installation and not use. The vendors of
such technology are often the driving forces behind these decisions. This is a
mistake. As individuals become more aware of their privacy rights, public
bodies must be able to demonstrate having fully considered the issues involved
in video surveillance.
The arbitrary invasiveness of video surveillance is such that I strongly
encourage and would, in some cases, require that public bodies investigate
problem-solving measures other than video surveillance. Restricting access to
problem areas with pass cards or identification badges, increased lighting, and
removing the incentive for vandalism or other undesirable behaviour, are all
examples of steps that should be taken before installing video surveillance
systems. If no demonstrable benefit is realized, then public bodies may be
justified in moving up a "ladder of intrusiveness" to the application of a CCTV
system. In cases when a CCTV system has already been installed, the ladder of
intrusiveness still applies. Public bodies can operate video surveillance
systems in any of the following increasingly-intrusive ways and remain
effective:
C. THE IMPORTANCE OF WRITTEN POLICY AND NOTICE
Principle 2 of the 1996 Canadian Standards Association Model Code for the
Protection of Personal Information (the CSA Code) states that
the purposes for which personal information is collected shall be identified by
the organization at or before the time the information is
collected.[39] Although the CSA Code
was designed as a certified standard for the private sector and is not
binding on public bodies, the CSA Code is a useful tool in addition to
the Act for any organization that collects personal information.
Principle 2 emphasizes the importance of written policy for video surveillance
systems.
Consider the following situation. An applicant requests a copy of a
surveillance videotape which may have captured a purse-snatching incident on
the premises of the public body. Unfortunately for the applicant, the public
body already has routinely erased the surveillance videotape because the
retention period has expired. Without a written policy describing the
retention and disposal of records, the applicant could argue that the videotape
had been destroyed precisely because he or she asked for it and there
would be little the public body could say to prove otherwise.
Written policies governing the use of video surveillance systems protect both
public bodies and applicants who request access to video surveillance records:
public bodies know when to dispose of video records; applicants know when they
can request records. This raises another consideration: if a public body
creates a record, then it must be prepared to disclose that record under
the freedom of information process if it is requested. In other words,
creating a record in the first place will often mean increased and unwanted
exposure at the expense of the public body.
D. FREEDOM OF INFORMATION AND PROTECTION OF PRIVACY ACT: PART 3
Section 26 of the Act recognizes a public body's need to collect
personal information in order to carry out its mandate and to provide services,
but restricts that collection to a defined set of circumstances. Section 26
also acknowledges that public bodies which engage in law enforcement activities
need more flexibility in the scope of their collection of personal
information.[40] When a public body considers
implementing a video surveillance system, it should review the requirements of section 26. Is the surveillance expressly authorized by legislation? Is the
surveillance conducted for law enforcement purposes? Is the surveillance
directly related to and necessary for an operating program or activity? If the
answer to these questions is "no," then the surveillance is likely not
justified.
Section 26 of the Act reads as follows:
26. No personal information may be collected by or for a public body unless:
b) that information is collected for the purposes of law enforcement, or
c) that information relates directly to and is necessary for an operating
program or activity of the public body.
* Note: the legislation in question may expressly authorize the collection
of personal information. Usually, however, the legislation will only give
authority for a particular program, with only implied authority for the
collection of personal information.
How personal information is to be collected --
section 27
Section 27(2) requires public bodies to notify the person from whom the
information is collected of the purpose and authority for collection unless the
collection relates to the matters set out in subsection 27(3). Thus, the
Act imposes three conditions: public notification of any video
surveillance being conducted by a public body; the purpose for which it is
being conducted; and a designated person from whom more information about the
program may be obtained. All of these are required unless exempted under
subsection 27(3) (see Part III.5 of this Investigation Report, below).
Section 27(2) of the Act reads as follows:
27(2) A public body must tell an individual from whom it collects personal
information:
b) the legal authority for collecting it, and
c) the title, business address and business telephone number of an officer or
employee of the public body who can answer the individual's questions about the
collection.
In certain circumstances, personal information can be collected, used, or
disclosed without the knowledge and consent of the individual. Legal, medical,
or security reasons may make it impossible or impractical to seek consent. For
example, when public bodies collect information to detect and prevent fraud,
seeking the consent of the individual might defeat the purpose of collecting
the information.
Protection of personal information --
section 30
Public bodies must protect personal information by using security safeguards
appropriate to the sensitivity of the information. Section 30 requires the
head of a public body to provide appropriate physical and procedural security
measures to protect personal information in the custody or under the control of
the public body.
Public bodies must limit access to CCTV monitor viewing areas to staff with
that responsibility, whether to operate the equipment or to view the images.
An occurrence book should record staff on duty each shift, and the names of any
persons or groups that have been authorized with day to day responsibility for
the scheme. If public bodies leave CCTV monitors unattended, the area in which
they are kept should be secured against unauthorized entry.
Public bodies should create policy governing the use of and access to recorded
material, based on these guidelines:
Use of tapes
Section 30 of the Act states:
30. The head of a public body must protect personal information by making
reasonable security arrangements against such risks as unauthorized access,
collection, use, disclosure or disposal.
Retention of personal information --
section 31
Principle 5 of the CSA Model Code for the Protection of Personal
Information stresses the importance of minimizing retention. It
reads "personal information [should] be retained only as long as necessary for
the fulfillment of [the] purposes [for which it was collected]."[41] The Act is silent on how long this
retention period should be, subject to section 31, and retention will vary
depending on the uses made of the video surveillance record. The exception to
this rule is if the video record is used to make a decision directly affecting
that individual, in which case the record must be retained for at least one
year after that decision is made.
Section 31 of the Act states:
31. If a public body uses an individual's personal information to make a
decision that directly affects the individual, the public body must retain that
information for at least one year after using it so that the individual has a
reasonable opportunity to obtain access to it.
Public bodies that are governed by the Document Disposal Act, R.S.B.C.
1996, c. 99, should ensure that their records retention and disposal schedules
include a retention period for surveillance videotapes, where applicable.
Use of personal information --
section 32
Section 32 of the Act requires public bodies to use personal
information only for the reasons for which it was originally collected, with
three exceptions. These exceptions are given below. Similarly, Principle 5 of
the CSA Code states that personal information shall not be used or
disclosed for purposes other than those for which it was collected except with
the consent of the individual or as required by law.[42]
Section 32 of the Act states:
32. A public body may use personal information only:
b) if the individual the information is about has identified the information
and has consented, in the prescribed manner, to the use, or
c) for a purpose for which that information may be disclosed to that public
body under sections 33 to 36.
Public bodies should review these guidelines before considering the use of
video surveillance:
1. Written Policy
The following points are issues which public bodies should address when
drafting this policy.
2. Camera Location, Operation and Control
3. Operational Times
4. Protection of Information and Disclosure
a) Security and retention of tapes
b) Disposal and destruction of tapes
c) Video monitors
d) Disclosure
5. Public awareness of cameras
Under section 27(2) of the Act, public bodies must notify persons from
whom personal information (including video surveillance of identifiable
persons) is collected of that collection, the purpose and legal authority for
the collection, and provide contact information for the controlling officer,
including title, business address and telephone number. Section 27(3) of the
Act creates exceptions to this rule where:
(b) the minister responsible for this Act excuses a public body from complying
with it because doing so would:
6. Audits
7. Use of information collected
Recorded videotape is a record under the Act and therefore is subject
to section 26 which governs collection of personal information. Here are
guidelines for the collection of personal information in video surveillance
systems:
b) public bodies may use video surveillance for:
c) public bodies shall not use video surveillance for other purposes unless
expressly authorized by or under an Act.
8. Access to personal information
I strongly encourage all public bodies that use video surveillance to comply
with the recommendations of this Investigation Report. I have found that the
use of video surveillance by public bodies is justified only if such
information collection is both necessary under
David H. Flaherty
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to acknowledge the contributions to this Investigation Report of
Nigel Waters, a private consultant and former Head of Unit, Privacy Branch,
Australian Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission; Dr. Colin Bennett of
the University of Victoria; Jonathan Bamford, Assistant Registrar of the U.K.
Data Protection Registrar's office, Great Britain; C. William Webster,
researcher at Glasgow Caledonian University; and Chief Constable John Burrow,
Essex, U.K.
Investigation conducted by Jason M. Young, R. Kyle Friesen, David H. Flaherty,
and Lorrainne A. Dixon
These are the ten principles of the CSA Model Code for the Protection of
Personal Information.
1. Accountability
2. Identifying Purposes
3. Consent
4. Limiting Collection
5. Limiting Use, Disclosure, and Retention
6. Accuracy
7. Safeguards
8 Openness
9. Individual Access
10. Challenging Compliance
1 See David H. Flaherty, "Risks and Benefits in Personal ID Systems,"
Transnational Data and Communications Report (November / December 1993).
2 David H. Flaherty, "Nineteen Eighty-Four and After," Government
Information Quarterly, Vol. 1 (1984) 431-441.
3 Hon. Sheila Finestone, Chair, Report of the House of Commons Standing
Committee on Human Rights and the Status of Persons with Disabilities,
Privacy: Where Do We Draw The Line?, April 1997, p. v.
4 David H. Flaherty, "Workplace Surveillance: The Emerging Reality," Labour
Arbitration Yearbook 1992, ed. William Kaplan et al. (Toronto:
Butterworths -- Lancaster House, 1992), p. 189.
5 Simon Davies, Big Brother: Britain's Web of Surveillance and the New
Technological Order (Pan Books: London, 1996), p. 189.
6 David H. Flaherty, "Controlling Surveillance: Can Privacy Protection Be Made
Effective?," in Technology and Privacy: The New Landscape, ed. Philip
E. Agre and Marc Rotenberg (MIT Press: Cambridge, 1997), p. 170.
7 Nigel Waters, "Street Surveillance and Privacy," Privacy Issues Forum
(New Zealand, 1996), p. 3.
8 Carl Rochelle, "Public cameras draw ire of privacy experts," CNN [webpage]
March 29, 1996. Website address:
http://www.cnn.com/US/9603/public_places/index.html [accessed January 21,
1998].
9 Privacy International, CCTV FAQ. [web page] ND. Website address:
http://www.privacy.org/pi/activities/cctv/cctv_faq.html [accessed January 21,
1998].
10 Industry Canada, "Camera Surveillance in Canada", Small Town News
Network [webpage] ND; Website address:
http://www.arcnewmedia.com/stnn/cctv.html [accessed January 21, 1998].
11 American Journal television program (October 1997).
12 "A Well-learned Lesson: CCTV in Florida Schools." [web page] ND. Website
address: http://208.208.73.45/school/dade.htm [accessed January 21, 1998].
13 Nigel Waters, Street Surveillance and Privacy, p. 9.
14 Simon Davies, Big Brother: Britain's Web of Surveillance and the New
Technological Order. (Pan Books: London,. 1996), . p. 177.
15 C. William R. Webster, C. William R., "Closed Circuit Television and
Information Age Policy Processes"; Glasgow Caledonian University, Centre for
the Study of Telematics and Governance, Dept. Of Management [article draft
presented to the Electronic Democracy: Discourse and Decision Making in the
Information Age conference] November 10, 1997,. p. 2.
16 Michel Foucault, a 20th Century French philosopher of this century, sough,
soughtt to extend to society as a whole, a concept of surveillance first
described by Jeremy Bentham in his discussion of the Panopticon prison. The
Panopticon was designed for asymmetrical (one- way) surveillance of the
inmates. The inmates could always be watched but never knew when they
might be. It was both the surveillance itself and the principle of
uncertainty that were used as a means for subordination. Today, we are very
familiar with this relationship of panopticism in the form of - one which CCTV
systems thmselves epitomize.
17 Presentation by the Privacy Commissioner of Canada, n.d.
18 Andrew Neil, BBC-TV, May 29, 1996 excerpt in CCTV FAQ, Privacy
International, ND. Website address:
http://www.privacy.org/pi/issues/cctv/cctv_faq.html [accessed January 29, 1998].
19 See note 18 above.
20 Carl Rochelle, "Public cameras draw ire of privacy experts"; CNN [webpage]
March 29, 1996. Website address: :
http://www.cnn.com/US/9603/public_places/index.html [accessed January 21,
1998July 15, 1997].
21 KDIS Online. "CCTV - Big Brother in Bradford"[webpage] March, 1997. Website
address: ; http://merlin.legend.org.uk/~brs/cctv/kdis12.html [accessed January
21, 1998].
22 KDIS Online. "CCTV - Big Brother in Bradford"[webpage] March, 1997. Website
address: ; http://merlin.legend.org.uk/~brs/cctv/kdis12.html [accessed January
21, 1998].
23 Privacy International, CCTV Frequently Asked Questions, ND. Website
address: Simon Davies, Big Brother: Britain's Web of Surveillance and the
New Technological Order. Pan Books: London. 1996. p.
180http://www.privacy.org/pi/activities/cctv/cctv_faq.html [accessed January
29, 1998].
24 See Cf. Speiser v. Randall, 357 U.S. 513, 526 (U.S.S.C.,
1958). So long as the statute remains available to the State, the threat of
prosecutions of protected expression is a real and substantial one. Even the
prospect of ultimate failure of such prosecutions by no means dispels their chilling effect on protected expression.
See also [webpage] 1965 Dombrowski v. Pfister, 380 U.S. 479
(U.S.S.C., 1965)http://caselaw.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?navby=case&court=US& vl=380&page=479 [accessed December 15, 1997].
[Return to Body Text]
25 Nigel Waters, "Street Surveillance and Privacy," Privacy Issues Forum
(New Zealand, , 1996), p. 1.
26 See note 25 above, p. 7.Nigel Waters, "Street Surveillance and Privacy,"
Privacy Issues Forum (New Zealand, 1996), p. 7
27 Carl Rochelle, "Public cameras draw ire of privacy experts"; CNN [webpage]
March 29, 1996. Website address:
http://www.cnn.com/US/9603/public_places/index.html [accessed January 21,
1998July 15, 1997].
[Return to Body Text]
28 Graham, S. Brooks, J. and Heery, D. 1996.S. Graham, J. Brooks, D. Heery, "
Towns on television: Closed circuit television surveillance in British towns
and cities," in . Local Government Studies, Vol. 22, No. 3 (1996), pp.
1-27; C. William R. Webster, in "Changing Relationships Between Citizens and
the State: The Case of Closed Circuit Television Surveillance Cameras,", C.
William R. Webster p. 12.
29 Investigation Report P95-004 ("A Complaint by KF Media Inc. against the
Vancouver Police Department concerning the Television Series `To Serve And
Protect'"), March 22, 1995, p. 8. Website address: http://www.oipc.bc.ca/
investigations/reports/VPD.html
30 Interview with Leslie Sharp, Chief Constable for Strathclyde, Scotland,
20/20, ABC News, September 7, 1995. Website address:
http://www.privacy.org/pi/issues.cctv/cctv_faq.html [accessed February 12,
1998].
31 William Kole, "Cameras Ggive Dutch that Wwired Ffeeling," Victoria
Times-Colonist, August 10, 1997,. p. A5.
32 Society for Human Resources Management, 1991 SHRM, Privacy in the
Workplace survey report, Alexandria, Virginia, 1992 in Simon Davies, p. 192.
33 Louis Harris and Kamala Allsop, Equifax Canada Report on Consumers and
Privacy in the Information Age (Canada: Louis Harris, 1994), p. v.
34 Honess T., and Charman E. (1992), "Closed Circuit Television
in public places," Crime Prevention Unit paper no. 35, London HMSO, excerpt
from Privacy International, CCTV FAQ, (see note 10, above).
35 Vancouver Public Library. "Central Branch FAQs" [webpage] ND. Website
address: ;
http://www.vpl.vancouver.bc.ca/branches/LibrarySquare/misc/faqcen.html
[accessed January 21, 1998uly 15, 1997].
36 Vancouver Public Library, written submission to the Information and Privacy
Commissioner of British Columbia, March 24, 1998.
37 ICBC Annual Report, 1996. Website address: http://www.icbc.com
[accessed January 30, 1998].
38 Insurance Corporation of British Columbia, written submission to the
Information and Privacy Commissioner of British Columbia, February 27, 1998.
39 Canadian Standards Association, Model Code for the Protection of
Personal Information (Toronto: CSA, 1996); MMaking the CSA Privacy Code
Work for You, (Toronto: CSA, 1996), p. 11.
40 See note 38 above.Executive Summary
PART I: The issues and statutory mandate
....
Everyone coming into view -- shoppers, children, lovers, and the socially
disadvantaged -- is captured by the cameras recording the movements of daily
life without regard to whether a crime is being or is likely to be committed
and with no grounds for suspicion because most cameras cannot be made simply to
record particular incidents or serious crimes. Everyone suffers the
infringement of their privacy and of the right to go about their daily lives
free from surveillance.[26]
In my role as Information and Privacy Commissioner, it is essential, where
public bodies are involved, to encourage them to strike the appropriate balance
between the right of access to information that is of public interest and the
protection of an individual's right to be left alone.
...fifty per cent of people felt neither government nor private security firms
should be allowed to make decisions to allow the installation of CCTV in public
places. Seventy-two per cent agreed `these cameras could easily be abused and
used by the wrong people.' Thirty-nine per cent felt that people who are in
control of these systems could not be `completely trusted to use them only for
the public good.' Thirty-seven per cent felt that `in the future, cameras will
be used by the government to control people.' While this response could be
interpreted a number of ways, it goes to the heart of the privacy and civil
rights dilemma. More than one respondent in ten believed that CCTV cameras
should be banned.[34]
CCTV cameras also provide a source of information that can be used to protect
not only the individual, but the corporation. For example, the camera
monitoring the access points may inhibit theft and record what transactions
have transpired. Often mail items are left at each of the reception desks, and
the camera will confirm if an item was in fact dropped off.
Part II: The Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy
Act
a) cameras and public notification signs are in place, but cameras are not on
or recording;
b) cameras and public notification signs are in place, but cameras are used for
monitoring and not recording to tape;
c) cameras and public notification signs are in place, but cameras are on for
monitoring and only those in high-incidence areas are recording; or,
d) cameras and public notification signs are in place, but cameras are on only
during high-incident or high-risk time periods. Alternatively, cameras can be
switched on randomly.
a) the collection of that information is expressly authorized by or under an
Act*,
a) the purpose for collecting it,
a) for the purpose for which that information was obtained or compiled, or for
a use consistent with that purpose (see section 34),
Part III: Video Surveillance Privacy Guidelines
(a) the information is about law enforcement or anything referred to in section 15(1) or (2), or
(i) result in the collection of inaccurate information, or
(ii) defeat the purpose or prejudice the use for which the information is
collected.
a) public bodies may use video surveillance to detect or deter criminal
offences which occur in view of the cameras;
(i) inquiries and proceedings relating to law enforcement;
(ii) research (i.e., the nature of area usage, pedestrian traffic patterns, or
evaluation of the operation of particular camera systems);
CONCLUSION
Information and Privacy Commissioner
Victoria, British Columbia
March 31, 1998
Investigation report written by Jason M. Young, R. Kyle Friesen, and David H.
Flaherty.
Appendix 1: Fair Information Principles from the CSA Model Code for the
Protection of Personal Information
An organization is responsible for personal information under its
control and shall designate an individual or individuals who are accountable
for the organization's compliance with the following principles.
The purposes for which personal information is collected shall be
identified by the organization at or before the time the information is
collected.
The knowledge and consent of the individual are required for the
collection, use, or disclosure of personal information, except where
inappropriate.
The collection of personal information shall be limited to that which is
necessary for the purposes identified by the organization. Information shall
be collected by fair and lawful means.
Personal information shall not be used or disclosed for purposes other
than those for which it was collected, except with the consent of the
individual or as required by law. Personal information shall be retained only
as long as necessary for the fulfillment of those purposes.
Personal information shall be as accurate, complete, and up-to-date as
is necessary for the purposes for which it is to be used.
Personal information shall be protected by security safeguards
appropriate to the sensitivity of the information.
An organization shall make readily available to individuals specific
information about its policies and practices relating to the management of
personal information.
Upon request, an individual shall be informed of the existence, use, and
disclosure of her or his personal information and shall be given access to that
information. An individual shall be able to challenge the accuracy and
completeness of the information and have it amended as appropriate.
An individual shall be able to address a challenge concerning compliance
with the above principles to the designated individual or individuals
accountable for the organization's compliance.
Footnotes